Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour

Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour THE DIVISION IN HOUSEHOLD LABOUR  BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN CONTENTS (JUMP TO) Abstract Introduction Literature Review Household Labour Defined The Gender Gap Research Methods Analysis Methods Historic Housework Gender Divisions   Global Housework Gender Divisions Reasons for Gender Gap Methodology Findings Recommendations Conclusion References ABSTRACT This study considers the gender gap in performance of household labour and its change over time, particularly in the last fifty years. Methods that others have used to research and analyse household labour, historic and multi-cultural gender divisions, reasons for the current and historic gender gap from a sociological perspective. This research then determines the most effective methods of data gathering and analysis and examines several studies over the last fifty years to conclude that the gender gap in household work is actually shrinking, albeit more slightly than some contend due to societal changes. Proposals for overcoming the disparity in household labour performance are assessed from a variety of published literature. Conclusions are drawn regarding the most likely factors affecting changes to the gender gap, namely changes in gender identities from a societal standpoint. Recommendations for further research and actions to further redu ce the housework disparity conclude th e study. INTRODUCTION Almost all research conducted in the past one hundred years has overwhelmingly and consistently supported a disparity between the household labour performed by women and men, with women typically outperforming men both in terms of more distasteful tasks and number of hours by significant margins. Since the beginning of the women’s movement in the 1960s, however, some inroads have been made regarding closing the gap between male and female performance. These must be weighed in light of overall changes in societal expectations and practise of household labour, but do show a trend towards greater egalitarianism in housework performance. This research begins with a thorough consideration of published literature regarding gender division of household labour and how such studies have been conducted and analysed, with reference to historic and multi-cultural gender divisions and sociological reasons for the persistent gender gap in housework performance. A survey of secondary research using the most accurate and informative data gathering methods is then conducted to determine whether the gender gap is indeed closing and if so, why, or whether broader societal and technological changes are merely affecting the performance of housework in general. The study concludes with recommendations for further research and suggestions from both others and the author regarding ways of moving towards a more egalitarian division of household labour performance. LITERATURE REVIEW As it applies directly or indirectly to almost everyone, much research and study has been performed regarding housework, the perceptions of those who perform it, and the assignment of household labour tasks within the home or family. This literature review provides a brief survey of some of these studies. An overview of the gender gap will be followed by six broad areas of consideration. First, the various methods by which housework study is conducted will be examined, as claims of inaccuracy are rampant for certain research methods. Similar consideration of different ways of analysing and interpreting this data follows. An overview of historic housework assignment, with particular focus on gender divisions and Britain, includes information stretching back several hundred years but concentrates on the previous century through the present, when statistical analysis and similar data began to be generated. Views of housework and gender division of tasks in other countries allow for a mo re holistic consideration of the topic. Finally, reasons for the gap between performance of household labour between men and women are from various studies are presented, with a number of researchers assertions of ways to overcome such disparity. Household Labour Defined In any study of household labour, also referred to as simply housework in this research, it is first beneficial to define what is meant by or included in the term. Some studies, for example, include only inside household tasks such as cleaning and cooking, excluding outside work such as gardening and exterior home repairs. Some studies include childcare as a household task; others place it in a separate category or do not include it. Lee and Waite (2005) note some research is based on a more restricted definition of housework, limited to physical tasks such as cleaning, cooking and laundry, whilst some include intangible components of household management, such as providing advice or encouragement, or planning and managing household tasks. For the purpose of this study all non-employment household tasks will be included, grouped broadly into inside and outside tasks, primarily because gender divisions often fall along these categorical divisions. Inside tasks are those performed inside the home, whilst tasks performed outside (yard work, taking out rubbish) fall in the latter category. In addition, based on the work of Coltrane (2000), tasks may be alternatively be considered from the standpoint of routine or occasional as another, and also typical, gender division. Coltrane (2000) defines routine tasks as the most time-consuming and most frequently performed, with little allowance for flexibility in task scheduling. Typical routine tasks include cooking, cleaning, shopping, and laundry. Occasional tasks, in comparison, are not as time-consuming on a daily basis and hence require less frequent performance, allowing more flexibility and discretion in when they are performed. Yard maintenance, home repairs (interior or e xterior), and paying bills are typical occasional tasks. Childcare will be considered in a separate category, although part of the overall household labour workload. This type of grouping is supported by many researchers such as Oakley (1981), Brines (1994), Press and Townsley (1998) and Alenezi and Walden (2004), who include childcare in household labour but place it in a separate category. Child rearing activities, such as bathing, disciplining, and the like may also be separated from recreational activities involving children, such as taking a child to the park or on an outing. In addition, Bianchi et al (2000) note that childcare is also an activity typically done in conjunction with other tasks, such as minding children whilst cooking or cleaning, or helping with homework whilst folding laundry. This is a further consideration when defining time spent and proportional contribution to household functioning. For the purposes of this study, therefore, all tasks involved in the establishment and maintenance of a household, including care for the persons of the household, are considered household labour or housework. Divisions within this household labour are made when specified, typically due to existing or to highlight gender differences between categories. The Gender Gap Current and recent historical culture in Britain and similar Western nations reveals a disparity in the performance of household tasks between women and men. Termed the ‘Gender Gap,’ this difference in housework reflects a much higher proportion of typical tasks performed by women than by men, even in dual-earner situations. Whilst there are other factors contributing to difference in allocation of household work, such as education, culture, and social class, Oakley (1974, 1981), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005) and many others have determined that gender plays a major role in task and work disparity, and this will be examined more fully under â€Å"Reasons for the Gender Gap† later in this literature review. General explanation of the gap itself is provided in this section of this study. Baxter (2001), after considering a number of studies regarding housework and gender, concludes â€Å"women do a much larger proportion of child care and routine indoor housework tasks than men, regardless of marital status† (19). This is supported by similar reviews of literature by Berk (1985), Ross (1987), Becker (1991), Ferree (1991), Brines (1993), Greenstein (1996), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005). The number of hours women spend has been declining over time, from over sixty hours per week prior to 1970, as reported by Oakley (1974) and others, to less than twenty in current reports such as Lee and Waite (2005), with men’s hours moving from less than three to nearly ten in some research. However, a substantial gap between men and women’s contributions to household labour still exists, as documented by Lee (2002), Rivià ¨res-pigeon, Saurel-Cubi zolles and Romito (2002), Alvarez and Miles (2003), Davis and Greenstein (2004), Alenezi and Walden (2004), Leonard (2004), Lee and Waite (2005). A gender gap between the types of household tasks performed also remains prevalent, with men performing more outdoor housework activities and fewer routine, inside tasks or childcare activities. Men are also more likely to describe their activities as enjoyable, such as playing with children or yard work, whilst women’s participation in activities they describe as enjoyable, such as baking and decorating, have decreased with fewer hours devoted to household work. Baxter (2001) concludes that in all reviewed studies â€Å"the differences are quite stark† (19). â€Å"Wives spend substantially more time than their husbands on family work, even though women do less and men do slightly more now than 20 years ago† (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer Robinson 2000, 192). It was initially expected that with the growth of the women’s movement the gender gap would disappear. For example, Leonard (2004) reports â€Å"a number of UK studies optimistically predicted that womens entry to paid work outside the household would be accompanied by mens increased participation in unpaid work within the household† (73). Unfortunately, research in the UK and elsewhere continues to â€Å"demonstrate the resilience of traditional gender roles within the household irrespective of womens labour market status† (Leonard 2004, 73). This research will later examine the narrowing of this gender gap and the reasons behind both its continued existence and gradual lessening. Research Methods When comparing secondary data, it is important to consider the methods implemented in data collection. In direct relation to this study, for example, Lee and Waite (2005) amongst others found â€Å"conclusions about the size of the gender gap in housework depend substantially on who provides the information about time spent on housework, what information that person is asked to provide, and how housework is defined† (334). Shelton and John (1996) and Coltrane (2000) list typical methods of data collection regarding household labour distribution and performance include interviews, surveys, time-diaries, and most recently electronic recording methods. Lee and Waite (2005) explain that interviews and surveys typically ask respondents to estimate the number of hours and type of tasks they or their spouses spend performing housework tasks. Time-diary studies ask respondents to report all their daily activities, usually within the day be ing tracked or by the next day at the latest. It is not surprising, therefore, that differences in time of reporting lead to differences in accuracy. Becker (1991), Lee and Waite (2005) and others have all found that interviews and surveys, which require respondents to both recall and estimate contributions and tasks, are highly inaccurate. Time-diaries, which require respondents to document how they spend their time daily or throughout the day, are significantly more accurate, as supported by Becker (1991), Bianchi et al (2000), and Lee and Waite (2005). For example, Bianchi et al (2000) reports a typical difference of fifteen hours per week reported by men and women regarding women’s household labour, and a typical difference of nearly four hours in reporting of men’s contribution. Similarly, Press and Townsley (1998) report that, on average, husbands estimated spending approximately eighteen hours per week on household tasks, whilst wives estimated their husbands contribution at just under thirteen hours per wee k, a statistically significant difference. In comparing data from electronic data recording versus data from similar populations collected by survey, Lee and Waite (2005) concluded â€Å"wives make accurate estimates of husbands’ time on housework, whereas husbands overestimate their own time† (333). They additionally found some evidence that both wives and husbands may substantially overestimate the amount of time wives spend on housework. For example, Lee and Waite (2005) found wives’ responses to survey questions regarding hours spent on housework estimated twenty-six hours per week of household work, but measurement of the same individuals via an electronic data recording system (ESM) resulted in an average of only fifteen hours per week. In all, the differences between survey measures and ESM [electronic data recording] time-use measures are statistically significant and-for some estimates-quite substantial† (333). Further, broader consideration of types of tasks within household labour resulted in greater hours of contribution on the part of men, but made little difference in the weekly housework hours of women. For example, Lee (2004) found that whilst in one study both types of childcare activities were counted equally towards housework contribution, husbands’ time â€Å"tended to involve recreational activities rather than those tasks that constitute the daily grind of child rearing,† which were left to women (254). Baxter (2001) similarly found that men participated in housework primarily on weekends, and tended to perform occasional tasks such as yard work; women performed housework tasks throughout the week and weekend, being responsible for almost all routine tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry. Analysis Methods Research is equally divergent in the methods of analysis employed to interpret data regarding gender divisions in household labour. Some methods , such as commonly used empirical models, focus solely on time allocation and the variables contributing to allocation decisions. Bargaining models, time allocation models, and the household production model are three of the more common of these types of analysis methods. Mahoney (1995) describes various bargaining theories, which contend that since women earn less, they have less power in the household and are therefore relegated to performing the majority of housework tasks. For example, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found women with university degrees, and hence greater earning power, have reduced housework time. Alenezi Walden (2004) note, however, that the inverse is true for husbands. The more educated a man is, the more likely he is to contribute a greater number of hours to housework. Bargaining models in general, however, as summarized by Alenezi and Walden (2004) all present consumption and labour supply within the family based on some form of bargaining between family members based on each member’s earning potential and similar characteristics. This type of analysis generally categorises the various attributes, market wage, and similar for family members and uses such categorisation to evaluate gender divisio n of household labour. Time allocation models, in contrast, contend that individual contribution to household tasks is based on available time. Each family member individually determines contribution to the household based on market wages, leisure activities, and family consumption. Bittman et al (2001) notes that these analysis methods, however, do explain in part the differences in the effects of certain variables, such as education level, on men and women within a household. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) describe, time allocation theories are difficult to use as a basis of empirical research, as they depend on individual decision versus measurable inputs. This form of analysis typically begins with the labour division and works back into variables, rather than documenting variables and then considering activity, as is typical of bargaining theories. Becker (1991) presents the most often used method of analysis for time allocation of household labour, the household production model. This analysis method divides the household consumption of goods into those that are market-produced and those that are household-produced, and measures household utility and the gender division of household tasks, as described by Alenezi and Walden (2004) as â€Å"a function of the consumption of market-produced goods, household-produced goods, and leisure time of the husband and wife†(83). Bryant (1990) describes how households â€Å"spend† their two major resources, money and time. In certain circumstances, a household might spend more money to save time, such as by using outside cleaners or eating take out food. In other circumstances, the family may chose to spend time, painting a room themselves rather than hiring the painting out, for example. A lenezi and Walden (2004) conclude â€Å"households make decisions about using time wor king for pay, working on household tasks, like child-rearing and meal preparation, or for enjoyment (leisure)† (81). Berk (1985) criticises the household production model as making undocumented assumptions about joint production, preferences, and estimation of the shadow price of housework, but it remains one of the few empirical analysis methods that factors in a large number of variables and takes into consideration complexity and diversity within and between households. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) assert, the household production model â€Å"still remains the standard for analyzing household time allocation due to its ability to account for many complex relationships in household decision-making† (86). Some researchers such as Bittman et al (2001) and Alvarez and Miles (2003) contend, however, that empirical analysis methods such as those described above place too much emphasis on economic variables in general, and therefore explain only a limited share of the inequality in housework performance. As Oakley (1981) and Becker (1991) describe, gender division in household labour can also be considered from a more sociological approach. Becker (1991) affords that sociological theoretical models offer a wide and divergent variety of explanations for the unequal division of housework tasks along gender lines, but all provide relevant areas of consideration. For example, Alenezi Walden (2004) contend, â€Å"differences between husbands and wives housework time, spousal age, educational attainment, and number of children by age should be highlighted† (101). Given the difficulty in practise of considering the wide number of variables that could play into gender division of household labour, however, many studies choose to concentrate on the societal and sociological implications of one or two of what the individual researchers consider to be the most important or effectual inputs. As such, many studies have considered the impact of education levels, presence of children, age, social class, race, and value beliefs as determinants of household labour allocation. One of the most often considered variables is gender identity. As Oakley (1981) describes, men and women are instructed in what their particular society considers appropriate gender roles and actions from an early age. As such, women in Britain are typically raised to believe that housework is their responsibility, and therefore perform the bulk of household tasks. In this analysis, which will be described in greater detail later in this study in the section presenting reasons for the gender gap, researchers examine the development of gender identity, then its impact on household labour allocation, and further investigate impacts of changes in gender roles across society on household functioning. Historic Housework Gender Divisions Oakley (1974) provides a thorough and insightful study of historic gender divisions of household labour in Europe, concentrating on Britain. Prior to the nineteenth century, women were typically employed in the family business, as were the rest of family members. This business was housed within the home, and all members of the family might perform a given household task. Fathers were considerably more involved in child rearing, and tasks such as cleaning and cooking were not divided along gender lines. Women were often equal partners in business with their husbands, could be afforded guild membership on their own standing, inherited their husband’s trade privileges upon his death (versus them passing to a son), and â€Å"were not prevented from entering any occupation by reason of their sex† (31). As such, Oakley (1974) describes women as always occupying the role of productive worker, earning a market wage and enjoying ful l market employment participation. In the 1800s, Oakley (1974) describes the gradual displacement of vocation from the home to the factory. Women followed their traditional work out of the home and into the factories through the middle of the century. In fact, men, women, and children often worked side-by-side in various factory endeavours, just as they had in home-based vocational activity. However, this societal movement of employment from home to factory meant multiple family members were no longer physically present within the household to perform housework tasks or render childcare for small children. By the 1840s, societal pressure began on women to remain at home to render these services, and a simultaneous and not surprising belief became popular that women were naturally domestic and the appropriate carers for children. Male factory workers also began to ask for limits on child and female labour, ostensibly for the women and children’s own protection. By the end of the 1880s, the traditio nal role of w omen had shifted to the keeper of the home and rearer of children, whilst men had assumed sole provider role and worker outside the home. In the early 1900s through the Second World War, women were typically employed outside the home until marriage, at which time they left paid employment and assumed responsibility for housework tasks. Most women lived with their families until their marriage, and assisted their own mothers with work in that household but were not primarily responsible. After the war, women typically worked until their first child was expected, and often returned to paid work after their children left home. However, the notion of housework as a women’s responsibility was already culturally entrenched, and continued regardless of her employment status. This was supported by various legislative measures. For example, both Ireland and Britain had marriage bars, which legally excluded married women from working in public service or administration. Leonard (2004) notes that in Ireland, â€Å"up until 1973, women had to leave paid employment in the public sector upon getting mar ried† (74). This sole responsibility for household management was not a light one, either in terms of hours or tasks. Summarising a number of studies conducted in Britain, France, and the United States from the 1920s through the 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports that average hours of housework performed by women consistently ranks over sixty hours per week, with women in urban areas often averaging over seventy hours per week of labour. As of the early 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports a British study found eighty-five per cent of all women between the ages of sixteen and sixty-four were housewives, â€Å"they carried the responsibility for running the household in which they lived,† and â€Å"nine out of ten women who were not employed were housewives, so were seven out of ten of those with a job outside the home† (6). She concludes that housework is therefore clearly women’s major occupation. Important conclusions from historical data related to gender division of household tasks are that the notion of housewifery as a â€Å"natural† condition of women is a recent one, and not supported in previous centuries. Although various ethological, anthropological, and sociological â€Å"proofs† have been offered for a woman’s role as primarily wife and mother, Oakley (1981) demonstrates that these are not supported either historically or cross-culturally. She further contends that both housework allocation and â€Å"the impact of childbirth on the roles of parents in clearly a cultural construct,† and as such should be an area given consideration as needing change, rather than held as a biological absolute. Global Housework Gender Divisions Indeed, when considering gender division of housework cross-culturally, many assumptions regarding appropriate gender roles breakdown, particularly when considering cultures outside the capitalist Western model. Using data from the International Social Justice Project, Davis and Greenstein (2004) describe the division of housework tasks in married couple households across twelve nations: four Western nations (Great Britain, the United States, Germany, and The Netherlands), seven former Soviet nations (Russia, Slovenia, Estonia, Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary), and one Asian nation (Japan). Of note, as some data is historic, it divided East and West Germany, which the researchers took into account in analysis. Oakley (1974) quotes Lenin as writing, â€Å"No nation can be free when half the population is enslaved in the kitchen† (222). Not surprisingly, some of the former Soviet countries in Davis and Greenstein’s (2004) research evidenced the smallest gender gap in household labour. In Russia, for example, sixty-seven per cent of men and sixty per cent of women feel that housework is equally divided, with less than ten per cent of women or men allocating such work always to the wife. Interestingly, research exampled by Davis and Greenstein (2004) in post-Soviet Russia stated that fewer Russians believed they had egalitarian marriages in 1995 than in 1989, a demonstration of perception and practise change accompanying dramatic societal reforms. Such results reinforce the concept of gender divisions in household labour being culturally rather than biologically based. In a similar example, whilst Estonian households had traditionally divided household labour along gender lines prior to Communism, at the close of the Soviet era Davis and Greenstein (2004) report they had moved significantly toward shared housework, with over forty per cent of households reporting equal contributions. â€Å"Estonian women’s attitudes reflected a desire for personal efficacy rather than a complete focus on their husbands’ demands† (Davis and Greenstein 2004, 1263). Considering gender patterns over time, Davis and Greenstein (2004) reported several other research studies found â€Å"Czech women’s and men’s time spent on household work is becoming more similar, mainly because of the changing employment patterns of Czech women,† and â€Å"Czech households were more egalitarian in their division of labour than were Hungarian and Polish households† (1262). Poland was typical of half the f ormer Soviet nations and all Wester n nations in the study, with Polish women performing the majority of the housework regardless of their education or employment status, men’s housework contributions increasing with their education levels, and the most egalitarian division of housework responsibly in couples where both spouses are employed and have high levels of education. British, Dutch, and German women all were substantially more responsible for household labour than their former-Soviet counterparts, with over sixty-five per cent of households reporting household labour as primarily or always a duty of the wife, and twenty-five per cent or less reporting an equal distribution of work. Davis and Greenstein (2004) found Dutch women experienced the greatest disparity, with over seventy per cent of men and eighty per cent of women reporting housework as primarily or always the responsibility of the wife. Gender allocation of housework in the Netherlands is most affected by the presence of young children and the husband’s economic resources, with education also being a relevant variable. For example, the higher the education level of the couple together, the greater the husbands’ contribution to household work; when the wife has slightly more education than her husband, the husband performs more housework; but when she h as a significantly more education than he, there is no increase in his household contributions. Similar studies in Spain, Ireland and Germany reinforce cultural differences, even amongst European nations. In a study of dual-earner couples in Spain, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found persistent gender inequality of similar per cents to the Davis and Greenstein overview. In addition, education levels of the man were found to effect division of household labour, whilst the woman’s education and earning power had little effect. The researchers concluded, â€Å"habitual patterns of gender-differentiated activity at home are mainly the result of gender identities† (240). Alvarez and Miles (2003) find opinion polls demonstrating a clear trend in Spanish attitudes towards egalitarian gender division of labor, more so amongst younger respondents. However, similar to their findings in most developed countries Alvarez and Miles (2003) report that behaviour has changed much less than attitude and as much as two thirds of the total housework is perfo rmed by women, particularly th e more repetitive or physically demanding work. Leonard (2004) reports that in the past two centuries, Irish society â€Å"has placed a great deal of emphasis on womens role as mothers, â€Å" with the 1937 Irish Constitution specifically referencing â€Å"the special contribution to Irish society of women within the home† (74). Cooke (2004) uses the German SocioEconomic Panel to explore the division of domestic labour in Germany, finding â€Å"East German men report that they contribute a significantly greater percentage of household time than West German men† (1251). Also of note in the German study, men’s increased share of housework also increases the likelihood of divorce in childless couples, leading Cooke (2004) to conclude that within German society â€Å"childless couples with fewer gendered family roles (given the absence of mother and father roles) are more stable when they have more traditional gendered displays in the remaining domestic areas. Using data from the International Social Justice Project previously mentioned, Davis and Greenstein (2004) found support for bargaining power models in the United States, which had the greatest equality of distribution of household labour of any of the Western nations studied. US households were much more influenced by the wife’s participation in the workforce, with husbands performing at least half the housework twice as often in dual-earner families than in families where only the husband was employed outside the home. The wife’s income level had little effect on divisio

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How old are the students studying MU 123 ? Knowing that the number of students in MU 123 is 80 a questionair is been made to know the ages of those students as they are consider small segment from the AOU and we can from that know from this study know the avarage age of AOU students. 28 students were in the age of 18 – 21 18 student were in the age of 22 – 28 11 students were in the age of 25 – 28 9 students were in the age of 28 – 31 7 student s were in the age of 32 – 35 6 students were in the age of 35 – 40 1 student on were age above 40Part (b) Collect relevant data needed to answer your question (stage C). This will involve choosing samples or designing questionnaires and key the data into a spreadsheet. Most of the data you will need is secondary data that already exist in the internet or published literature and can be adapted for your investigation. You may refer to your text book, (Book A, pages 183 & 184) and learn more how to deal with data. When presenting your data it is important to provide the reference to the data source you are adapting. (30 marks).As it shows in the table below How old are the Students studying MU 123 Age Range 18-21 22 – 25 26-29 30-33 34-37 38-40 40 + Number 28 18 11 9 7 6 Percentage% 22. 50% 13. 75% 11 . 25% 8. 75% 7. 50% whenever the age increase the number of students decreases. 35% are the highest percentage with 28 students in their fresh years. 1. 25% are the lowest percentage with only 1 student enrolled above the age 40. 27. 5% are the number of students attending between 30 to 40 Part (c) Analyse the data that have been collected (stage A).This stage involves steps in summarising and measuring the collected data. The associated measures that we expect you use in your TMA are the mean, the mode, the median, range, interquartile range and standard deviation. You can use Microsoft Excel in presenting your data in bar charts or graphs as part of summarising your data. (mo re details on how to draw statistical pictures are explained In book D, Unit 1 1) (30 marks) calculating the mean: 1+6+7+9+11+18+28= = 1 1. 4 Calculating the meadian: Arrange the numbers by order: 1 6 7 9 11Range = 28-1 = 27 QI-6 18 IQR= 18-6=12 Standard Deviation: Meadian Deviations (d) d (power of 2) 1-114 . = -10. 4 108. 6 = -5. 4 29. 16 -4. 4 19. 36 = -2. 4 5. 76 11-11. 4 . 4 0. 16 18-11. 4 = 6. 6 43. 56 28-11. 4 = 16. 6 275. 56 The mean of d(to power of 2) 108. 6 + 29. 16 + 19. 36 + 5. 76 + 0. 16 + 43. 56 + 275. 56 = 462. 8/7 66. 11 = 8. 13 is the standard deviasion = 66. 11 Square root of At the end we realize from all the above charts how the number of students will decrease as the age increases.

Character Analysis Jewel Essay - 913 Words

Early in the book, Faulkner Throughout the novel As I Lay Dying by William Faulkner, the reader views Jewel as the most aggressive of Addie Bundren’s children. He is constantly arguing with his brothers, sister and father as they make their journey to Jefferson to bury his mother Addie, and he nearly gets in a knife fight when they reach town. Because of his angry responses and bad language it can be hard to recognize the significant impact Jewel has on his family. Jewel is courageous and sacrifices for his family even if the other Bundrens do not acknowledge or honor him for his actions. Jewel may not the most balanced son in the world, but neither are his siblings, and he shows throughout the forty-mile trip to his mother’s hometown of†¦show more content†¦Jewel did not want to go with Darl. Jewel is also not a Bundren. Jewel is Addie’s bastard son, the son of Whitfield not Anse. Jewel also does not do things with the least amount of work. Jewel spends numerous nights clearing a field by the light of a lantern all by himself just to get a horse. When Anse learns of this horse he tells Jewel not to let it eat any of the horse food and Jewel promises Anse he will not let it. Jewel is misunderstood, but Faulkner shows that he is an honorable person. Jewel is often viewed incorrectly because he shows his affection rather than talks about it, and Marc Hewson says that â€Å"Jewel’s love for Addie may also may be based more on doing than saying† (4). Jewel shows his love for Addie after she is dead in many ways. When they start for Jefferson, Jewel is willing to carry Addie’s coffin alone when the rest of the family is moving too slowly. Cash wants help to carry the coffin but Jewel will not slow down: He [Jewel] will not stop. Cash begins to fall behind, hobbling to keep up, breathing harshly, then he is distanced and Jewel carries the entire front end alone, so that, tilting as the path begins to slant, it begins to rush away from me and slip down the air like a sled upon invincible snow, smoothly evacuating atmosphere in which the sense of it is still shaped. (98) Jewel’s willingness to carry Addie’s coffinShow MoreRelatedDora Essay1003 Words   |  5 PagesFreud’s, Dora The case analysis written by Sigmund Freud, his patient; Dora, goes through different levels of mental sickness. Throughout the case study Dora reveals her issues that lie within her family. Through the case study, Sigmund Freud who is chosen to diagnose Dora’s symptoms reveals his own hypothesis. Within the narrative Dora’s dream, exemplifies causation and motif in order to shed light on the way Dora views herself within her family. 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He explores how racial passing is a complex juggling of the social markers that shape national identity. Dr. Tuhkanen draws attention to the nation’s denial of racial hybridity in Hagar’s Daughter: â€Å"The passing characters are isomorphic examples of the state of the Union.Read MoreAnalysis of The Pirates of the Caribbean: The Curse of the Black Pearl Poster783 Words   |  4 Pages Design Analysis Essay BCM 110 In this essay I am going to analyse the movie poster for the film ‘Pirates of the Caribbean : The Curse of the Black Pearl’ . This film was released in 2003 directed by Gore Verbinski and it was a huge Box-Office hit and had great reviews . It also made Johnny Depp the superstar he is now and it stars other actors such as Orlando Bloom and Keira Knightley . The genre of the film is an action adventure film with lots of other elements in it . Read MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller998 Words   |  4 Pagesothers of witchcraft. The false confessions favor the dishonest and are motivated by jealousy and spite. The Crucible is a four-act dramatic play production that was first performed on January 22, 1953. Arthur Miller used dialogue within the characters to cover the multiple themes; conflicts and resolutions, plus the few directions for the different actions of the play. The Salem Witch Trials were intended to be performed as the play however, when read, it can be more carefully examined and brokenRead MoreLeelas Friend1415 Words   |  6 Pagessaid, â€Å"How many times have I told you to take it off and put it in the box?† (story continues on your handout) Text Analysis: Setting: Town/Country, Social/Political   India – well-off household (with veranda) in need of a servant who looks after the garden, washes clothes, runs errands, chops wood and looks after Leela. He isnt well paid: 2 meals a day, 4 rupees a month. Characters Leela, a five-year-old, likes Sidda, the servant, whose company she loves. He is an imaginative play-fellow (gameRead MoreIs Shylock The Villain Or Victim In The Merchant Of Venice By William Shakespeare1411 Words   |  6 PagesCharacter Analysis Shylock Is Shylock the villain or the victim in the Merchant of Venice? In the play the ‘Merchant of Venice’ by William Shakespeare the antagonist Shylock is both the victim and the villain. Shylock is a Jewish moneylender and is initially portrayed as anger filled and bloodthirsty but as the play continues we begin to see him as more human and his emotions become more evident. As the antagonist, Shylock is a fearful adversary to Antonio, the protagonist. But as good begins to

Shakespeare s Viewpoint About Gender And Gender Roles

What is Shakespeare’s viewpoint about gender and gender roles in the play? Do you agree? In the play â€Å"Macbeth† by William Shakespeare the play was about power and greed. Macbeth were given prophecies from the witches and one of the prophecies was that he was going to become king. After he heard the news he told his wife what the witches told him. From there on she chose to do anything that was going to make them become apart of royalty. She accomplished this missions by manipulating her husband and attacking his manhood. Macbeth was a noble, respected man but due to the manipulation of his wife he became a very ruthless leader after he became king. The witches told him no human â€Å"woman born could hurt him† so he went on a killing spree, killing anyone who intimidated him or got in his way. Macbeth became cold hearted, pessimistic and fiercious. However Lady Macbeth ends up becoming vulnerable, which resulted in her having sleepless nights and becoming petrified. She later ended up dying because she couldn’t handle the guilt and the murders s he and her husband were responsible for. Shakespeare’s viewpoint about gender and gender roles were very different from other books in ancient times. Society usually seen women as silent, obedient and patient. In the play, Shakespeare s characterized Lady Macbeth and the witches as cruel, manipulative, and powerful. Macbeth was first depicted as self doubtful but with ambition. At the end of the play Macbeth was characterized as evil,Show MoreRelatedOthello, By William Shakespeare1543 Words   |  7 Pagesorder to get our true feelings and emotions out. Similarly, Shakespeare utilizes the theme of disguise in countless plays, specifically in As you like it and Twelfth Night. Although many may postulate that he has disguised certain characters as the opposite gender solely for comedic purposes, the reason behind it is significantly deeper and complex. By disguising the actors as the opposite gender, also known as cross-dressing, Shakespeare introduces incipient views on femin inity and sexuality, viewsRead MoreGender Roles Of Female Characters1479 Words   |  6 PagesThroughout the eras, literature has mirrored the social changes taking place in English society specifically in regards to gender roles of female characters. The Elizabethan era, which lasted from 1558 to 1603, is often referred to as the golden age by historians where many transitions in English society regarding marriage and gender took place (Ivic 110). It was a time in which wives were viewed as the property of their husbands (Ivic 110). However, every woman was expected to marry and be dependentRead MoreShakespeare s Othello - Role Of Women And Gender Representation1312 Words   |  6 PagesWomen in Othello The role of women and gender representation in Othello challenged the male dominated society in that time period. Women in Shakespeare’s time were seen as being loyal and submissive to their husbands and not going against their husband’s judgment. Shakespeare developed complex and varied female characters in his plays, especially the women portrayed in Othello. In the play, Shakespeare introduces three female characters: Desdemona, Othello s wife, Emilia, Iago’s wife and mistressRead MoreThe Tragedy Of Othello By William Shakespeare Essay1418 Words   |  6 Pagesbeen seen to have a diagnostic function, scrutinizing the ills of their society and portraying them for the world to see. William Shakespeare, 1564-1616, was an English playwright, poet and actor, widely regarded as the greatest writer in the English language and the world s most distinguished dramatist. His surviving works, including some collaborations, consist of about 38 plays, 154 sonnets, two lon g narrative poems and a few other verses. His plays have been translated into every major living languageRead MoreThroughout The Course Of Society, Political Leaders And1775 Words   |  8 Pagesable to not only change the landscape of the region they abide in, but ultimately change the viewpoints and understandings of individuals across the globe for the better. On the other hand, leaders with ill intentions have led their followers towards mischief and suppression of not only their physical being, but also of their mental state. In William Shakespeare’s world-renowned play Julius Caesar, Shakespeare illustrates the political, power struggle between the prodigious leader of Rome, Julius CaesarRead MoreAnalysis Of Shakespeare s Othello 1567 Words   |  7 PagesWOMEN’S ROLE IN SOCIETY: DISECTING THE MISOGONY IN SHAKESPEARE’S OTHELLO Judging Othello from a self-proclaimed feminist Audre Lorde’s perspective allows the reader to see the double standards women faced in the Elizabethan society. Today our society assigns gender roles to children from birth. From the baby dolls needing care and EZ Bake Oven toys, little girls are encouraged at an early onset to lead domesticated lives. Boys on the other hand, are given cars and action figures that can take rough-housingRead MoreThe Complicated Politics Of Gender Identity Essay3466 Words   |  14 PagesQueerness in Macbeth: The Complicated Politics of Gender Identity Saswata Kusari and Prof. Mahua Bhattacharjee Abstract: The thematic concern of appearance and reality is dealt with at various levels in Macbeth. This paper is an exploration of how the conventional ideas of gender and sexuality are subverted in this play. The paper would also seek to explore how the paradigmatic shift in the conventional gender identity creates a sense of queerness. Our attempt is to interrogate the play from anRead MoreA Room of Ones Own Essay3982 Words   |  16 Pagesand Five of A Room of One s Own,, the focus on Women Fiction shifts to a consideration of women writers, both actual writers and ultimately one of the author s own creation. The special interest here is one raised earlier in the work: the effect of tradition on women s writing. Woolf believes that women are different from men both in their social history as well as inherently, and that each of these differences has had important effects on the development of women s writing. Women writersRead MoreThe And Oral Communication Curriculum2560 Words   |  11 Pagesfollows these societal constraints, discrimination will always accompany the titles given. Even in America’s gender-focused society, labels and expectations are imposed upon people that can determine the direction--and limits-- of their lives. Such social injustice could spark rebellions and result in shattered laws of civilization and the end of equality for everyone, no matter their gender. As teenage research writers, personally, our lives have been sheltered and confined, leading us to believeRead MoreEmily Dickinson Poetry Essay1591 Words   |  7 PagesEmily Dickinson’s Poetry There is a lot more to poetry than just the words themselves. â€Å"What William Shakespeare called, â€Å"the mind’s eye† also plays a role† (Borus34). What that means is that your experiences and thoughts will add to your understanding. Dickinson had an active mind and a style so unique and unusual with her writing. Something that was very unusual about her writing was that she never put a title to her poems. Just like many poets, she used a wide assortment of literary devices such